What is Capitalism? The Baby and the Bathwater

I have the fortune to have a lot of people around me, friends, family, acquaintances, who are both intelligent and educated, and politically inclined. Both to the Right and the Left of the spectrum. And in the last few years we immersed ourselves in heated discussions or civilized conversations here and there about the value or oppressive nature of Capitalism. In so doing, I have been struck by a rising observation: we are not speaking of the same thing. Capitalism does not mean the same for the Right and the Left. It’s not that it’s valued differently, it’s that it is a completely different concept altogether. For the Right, it means everything market. For the Left, it’s what Marx said it is. Both views are mistaken. And that allows the populists to go forward and do whatever they will – drastically attacking Capitalism or defending it with tooth and nail.

Grosso modo, Marx defined Capitalism as an evolution occurring after Feudalism, propelled by the Industrial Revolution of the late 1700s and early 1800s, characterized by the rule of the capitalist, who owns the means of production, enslaves labor through wages and other means, and accumulates power and wealth through profit-taking. These hoarders of capital thrive in inequality and revel in the power they have over the working class – which should rebel and take power for itself.

My (and many other critics’) problem with this description is that it ignores a great deal of History in order to fit the theory – nitpicking what is interesting from what is not. Profit-taking, wages, long-distance commerce (for many, a crucial capitalistic practice), credit, interest-taking and banking, speculation, capital accumulation and many other capitalist-linked phenomena appeared all over the world over and over again throughout the centuries. Even the Industrial Revolution environment seemed to have happened before, in the Middle Ages (in what Marx called Feudalist societies), as say the likes of Gimpel, Pirenne, Duby and others.

There were labor disputes in medieval times and worker strikes for better pay in Flanders in the 13th century, or in Florence in the 1378 Ciompi revolt, for example. There were corporate wars about watermills in France in the 12th century – absolutely crucial for the economy of the time. Venice and Genoa’s maritime empires were famously fueled by their bankers and merchants – like the Grimaldi and the Doria. Even in the ruins of Pompey more shops and trade posts were found than actual residencies – many of these trading sites supposed to be managed and worked by actual slaves and entertain international trade. Later European empires, one after another, seemed to be supported by strong capitalistic structures that were typical of dynamic Europe. From the Portuguese, to the Spanish, to the Dutch, to the British, capitalistic structures were so powerful in mobilizing the people and creating innovation that they propelled European hegemony over the world, even with limited resources, limited demographics, and limited power bases.

Capitalism and the capitalistic way of life, in my view, are much older and much broader than Marx proposes. However, after the Industrial Revolution of the 18th century, Modern Capitalism was born and that’s what we still have in place today. This arguably brought centuries of prosperity and was closely connected to the Liberal Revolutions, as the French Revolution and the American Revolution and many others. These revolutions battled against the ruling tyrannies of the Aristocrats and promoted Democracy, Equality, the Rule of Law, and other innovations as the Freedom of Expression, Freedom of Religion, Freedom of Association, etc.

Now, as the Liberal Agenda settled, States, Governments and Legislatures could have steered Modern Capitalism in one of two ways.

The first, which I’ll call Market-Based Capitalism, would promote healthy competition, free markets, international trade, protection for consumers and small, micro and medium companies against unbalances and unfair practices, a fair Rule of Law, opposition to monopolistic and oligarchic powers, subsidies and security for individuals who fall through the cracks in the system, liberty, equality and solidarity, etc.

The second, which I’ll call Elitist or Aristocratic Capitalism, means empowering and protecting a new Aristocracy (Capitalist Aristocracy), allowing unlimited wealth, subsidizing large corporations and industrial bases, limiting the liability of investors, allowing off-shore accounts and tax advantages, tolerating shady banking practices and dishonest corporate behavior, promoting lenient bankruptcy laws, bailing-out those who are “too-big-to-fail”, advancing economic protectionism, protecting cartels and monopolies, and deregulating practices that are damaging for the citizens and consumers.

Unfortunately, States, Governments and Legislatures have systematically chosen to steer society toward Elitist Capitalism. Instead of assuming themselves as guarantors of the fairness of Capitalism, they have shown to be corruptible and promiscuous, allowing the wealthy to rule. As I have written before, modern Elitist Capitalism is also characterized by three inclinations: Aristocratic Thinking (the idea that those born/raised or made/risen in wealth are superior beings that deserve more than the others), Elitism (the idea that these elites should rule the world, and their opinions and positions are obviously better and more effective), and Corruption (including nepotism and cronyism).

In my humble opinion, what many criticize in Capitalism today is not Capitalism per se, but the modern practice of Capitalism, namely Elitist Capitalism. A practice that reflects the choices of Governments and Legislatures, as well as State interventionism, and which corrupts the Liberal Agenda and market fairness and integrity. But Capitalism per se, although a force of nature that should be ruled in, has brought incredible progress, social development, and growth. I argue that it is important to start speaking of it with some agreement of what it is, at least, so not to throw away the baby with the bathwater.

The Sell-Out of the Center

It seems, as everyone keeps telling me, that we live in an increasingly polarized world. The political spectrum seems to have turned right, extreme-right, and the only resistance remaining seems to be the once dying left, for some, the extreme-left. In the center, the spoils of the defeated are being distributed between the old, the corrupt, the scavengers, and the greyish lazy who believe in nothing. Because that’s what they convinced us of: that the center stands for nothing. That it has no ideology. But that’s a total lie. The center has an ideology – a highly successful and valuable ideology – and it’s time we recover it.

First of all, the center stands for the decentralization of power. Power is for the people. On the right and left, pundits claim the same. On the right, conmen and their billionaire friends have somehow convinced the many that they are working for them, benefiting them, while they feed the grift and become richer and blame the poor and defenseless. This structure was tried many times in Europe and South America and elsewhere in the past, and it led to the emergence of the Mussolinis, and the Hitlers, and the Salazars, and the Francos.

On the left, there continues to be a confusion that the State and the people are the same. And they are not the same. Much as leftist regimes start to be well-intentioned revolutions with progressive drives, the concentration of power in the State systematically gets hijacked again and again, spawning the likes of Stalin, and Mao, and Castro, and Tito.

These ideologies have been tried over and over again and failed tragically, but somehow show up once more as if they are shiny new, brilliant ideas. Concentration of power, be it in the Elites or the State, is a sure trap that leads to tragedy. The center believes in checks and balances, the Rule of Law, independent courts, public institutions, and liberal democracy.

The center’s economic model has arguably been the most successful model in History, creating well-being and wealth throughout the world, from Sweden to New Zealand, from Canada to Switzerland, from Germany, to Japan and South Korea. The center believes in or tolerates capitalism – but believes it must be reined in and moderated by a strong State. Too much regulation will stifle innovation and development, but too little will lead to abuse.

And abuse there is in droves. Entrenched in fat petty parties and obscure outdated bureaucracies, the politicians of the center have retreated to corrupt positions and allowed capitalists far too much power. We need to end limited liabilities, fiscal immunities, tax havens, public subsidies to large corporations, and hefty public sell-outs of our nations’ resources. Political intervention by large corporations and wealthy individuals has been clearly negative for the rest of us – there’s no other way to see it.

On the other hand, the center has been able to reach and realize many of the good ideas coming from the left, like healthcare for all, public education, social security, public transportation systems, and many other safety nets for citizens. It even championed pro-citizen ideas that the left louds as its own. But you won’t find LGBTQ+ rights or independent unions in communist countries. What you may find instead is rebellious unions like Poland’s Solidarity, facing and beating the communist regime and then dissolving into (mostly) centrist parties.

I am a Social-Democrat. I believe in private property and private initiative. I believe in capitalism and have seen it bring out of abject poverty billions of people over the last few decades. I also believe it has to be ruled in. That it does tremendous harm. That it is absurd and disgusting that 60 people hold the wealth equivalent to 50% of all the others. I also believe billion-dollar wealth should be banned. And anti-trust laws must be better enforced: only balanced economic competition makes the market healthy. And the market shouldn’t be everything – it shouldn’t be sacred and untouchable; sometimes the State has to take over. But I believe in free trade, and that it is the most direct path to peace in the world.

And I am a progressive, as I believe Humanity’s best days are in the future, not the past. And I am a social-liberal, as I believe only individual freedom can bring happiness. For all. And I believe concentration of power is dangerous and should be avoided.

This is my ideology, and that makes me a centrist, at the center of the political spectrum. I’m not of the left nor of the right.

I blame the politicians of the center. Not only in America, but in Portugal, and Europe, and throughout the world. They have abdicated their ideas. They sold out the center. All they stand for is obsolescence and corruption and cronyism. But the center is not them. The center is an identity. It’s an ideology. A valuable one. And we must claim it back before it’s too late.